Monday, November 30, 2009

Like a sickle through the wheat

Carrie Brownstein reminds us why Sonic Youth may be the only band to truly live up to their moniker as they continue to mow down just about every other act out there despite being 30 years their senior.

Seeing Sonic Youth perform marked the perfect end to weeks spent writing about the last 10 years in music and pondering why a lot of music, particularly what has become popular amongst connoisseurs and purveyors of all things "indie," has gotten soft. Sonic Youth is LOUD. It is an all-caps, exclamation-point (points!!!), effed-up punctuation, good-luck-trying-to-form-a-sentence-or-concentrate-while-it's-playing loud. And while I've certainly been enjoying the subtler forms of rock and the sweet sounds of folk -- freak or otherwise -- and, in general, the not-so-discreet charm of the musical bourgeoisie, let's just say that I was elated to be pummeled by artful noise played at an unapologetically intrusive volume. Sonic Youth was a reminder that I don't always need to ponder or reflect while I listen to music. In fact, sometimes I want the songs to obliterate both the pleasantries and the contemplation.


I've seen SY twice. Both shows were amazing (and she's right about SY songs being timeless and non-generational and having had no discernible eras or phases), but the first time was vicious. It was during their tour for Rather Ripped. And there's absolutely no fucking around with them; the force they bring is all they need. I'm hoping the Pixies follow suit tomorrow. It's sad bands 20 years after their "prime" have to provide the voice.

Gouge Away

Andrew Sullivan characteristically explains the world we live in, the age of Dick Cheney and Sarah Palin:

They represent a real populist and authoritarian option for a declining power. In the face of a bewilderingly changing world, they stand for white America, the extension of its power across the globe, the elevation of torture as a core American value, the permanent Israeli occupation of the West Bank, and American occupation of client states like Iraq and Afghanistan. They represent a contempt for addressing climate change, and an indifference to debt - both Palin and Cheney have records of appalling fiscal profligacy. They also represent religious fundamentalism as the core Republican political philosophy. Cheney supports a party that would strip his own daughter - and has stripped his own daughter - of basic civil rights. Palin would criminalize all abortion.

The appeal of populist simplicity in complicated, demoralizing times is real and eternal. Obama has not in office been able to muster a scintilla of popular energy the way this rump right has. In fact, his moderate conservative governance has defused the energy of his campaign in ways that remain quite stunning. In this emotional game, the far right has the advantage of "us" vs "them." There are no real solutions to deep problems - no actual spending cuts proposed, nothing but the use of force abroad, nothing in energy policy but more carbon exploration, no immigration policy that isn't obsessed with resisting any sort of amnesty, and on and on.

One imagines that the American people - when they have to decide on a president who will actually have to govern - will turn away from a Palin. But that such a farce remains the most powerful figure on the right should sober anyone with complacency.

We live in a fundamentalist age. And there is only one fundamentalist party. Unless it is beaten repeatedly at the polls, it will at some point govern again.


And he's spot on about Obama. I never imagined the deflation of so much energy from his support group. No, it's not feasible to match that campaign's fervor -- Obama's historical run plus the national disdain for Bush was a powerful combo. But he's not leading the way he pledged during the campaign. Adopting way too many of Bush's most egregious policies is no change.

We're desperate, get used to it

While the world chippers about a couple of starfucking attention whores getting into the White House, our president is about to add 30,000 troops into a sinkhole of a war. But that's tomorrow, when the Salahi's will probably get a TV show on Bravo. What about today? Today's ignored national affront goes to the noble Supreme Court further -- and maybe permanently -- suppressing torture photos.

NYT:

The justices sent the case back to the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in Manhattan, which ruled in 2008 that the pictures should be released to the public. But at the request of the Obama administration, the Second Circuit later postponed its own order, setting the stage for the administration to take the case to the Supreme Court.

On Monday, the justices told the Second Circuit to give “further consideration” to the issue in light of a Congressional action authorizing the Defense Department to keep the pictures from the public. With the issue on its way back to the Second Circuit, a final decision will probably not be made for months.


In light of tomorrow, that is downright a tragedy masterpiece. This is the week to remember Obama's first year by.

I hope Black Francis gives the White House the finger tomorrow night.

Sunday, November 29, 2009

Libra sabotage

I think embarrassing is the word to describe Tiger Woods' little predicament. Refusing the police three times? It has to be serious if it's gone this far. PR nightmare. (Did I just say PR nightmare? God, I hate media-speak.)

Tiger Woods finally gave his side of the story Sunday — on his Web site, not to police — and took the blame for an "embarrassing" car crash that gave him cuts, bruises and public scrutiny like never before.

His statement failed to clear up any questions about the middle-of-the-night accident outside his Isleworth estate in which his wife told police she used a golf club to smash the back windows of the Cadillac SUV to help him out.

"This situation is my fault, and it's obviously embarrassing to my family and me," Woods said on his Web site. "I'm human and I'm not perfect. I will certainly make sure this doesn't happen again."


Then he's got the balls to say this:

"Although I understand there is curiosity, the many false, unfounded and malicious rumors that are currently circulating about my family and me are irresponsible," he said. "The only person responsible for the accident is me. My wife, Elin, acted courageously when she saw I was hurt and in trouble. She was the first person to help me. Any other assertion is absolutely false."


And the authorities:

"We have been informed by the Florida Highway Patrol that further discussion with them is both voluntary and optional," Mark Steinberg, his agent at IMG, said in an e-mail. "Although Tiger realizes that there is a great deal of public curiosity, it has been conveyed to FHP that he simply has nothing more to add and wishes to protect the privacy of his family."

Woods' wife turned troopers away from their home in the exclusive gated community outside Orlando on Friday, the day of the accident, because she said he was sleeping. Steinberg called troopers en route to Woods' house on Saturday and postponed the meeting until Sunday.

"We're just continuing our traffic crash investigation," Montes said. "If we have somebody who we feel is pertinent to the investigation, then we will interview them."


And no matter whether this was an innocuous accident or a savage scandal or whatever, there will be no discussion of the affluent getting preferential treatment from the law.

Saturday, November 28, 2009

New York

365 Photo: Fuck Skool

NYC Postal building

Tuesday, November 24, 2009

Waterfront

365 Photo: Alley between 11th and 10th, just north of Massachusetts NE

Saturday, November 21, 2009

Feel the greatness?


365 Photo: That's Baltimore.

Letting the trolls out

Andrew Sullivan on the Gitmo-cheering Cheney family M.O. at this point, as exemplified by Liz's demagoguery of the prisoner transfer "debate":

It's so bizarre that transferring prisoners to mainland jails in order to shut down the objective black eye of Gitmo is receiving so much resistance from the pro-torture right. We can argue about how to try these suspects, but their location should surely be a non-issue.

What Cheney fears, I suspect, is that Gitmo will be shut down, that history will record it as the lowest point in US human rights ever, that the Cheney family will be tarred as the brand that destroyed America's moral standing, and that Dick Cheney will become one of the darkest figures in modern American history.

But if you can keep Gitmo open, if you prevent detainee transfer, if you can spin the next terror attack as caused by the refusal to torture ... you have a chance to rescue the narrative again. And so America's cold civil war continues ...


To rescue the narrative, they would need the media. And surely the media has no qualms about letting these trolls out of the cellar to spew pro-torture bile all over airwaves.

Divas

Is there any species roaming the earth today that is more vain than a "centrist" Democratic U.S. senator?

Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D., Ark.) announced Saturday that she would vote to begin debate on a $848 billion health-care overhaul measure, putting Democrats on a path to reach a 60-vote threshold needed to approve an initial procedural motion on the bill.

Lincoln's announcement appears to give Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D., Nev.) the final vote needed to prevent a filibuster on the test vote. Lincoln warned that she would not support the bill in a vote on final passage if it included a "robust" public health insurance option, however.

"Although I don't agree with everything in this bill, I have concluded that I agree it is more important that we begin this debate to improve this health care system rather than simply drop the issue and walk away," Lincoln said, adding that Saturday's vote is "not my last or only opportunity to have an impact on health reform."

Lincoln's announcement came soon after Sen. Mary Landrieu (D., La.) announced that she would support the motion. Landrieu also said she had not decided whether to support passing the bill in a final Senate vote.

The vote on the procedural motion, which if approved would allow the Senate to formally begin debate on the measure after it returns from a Thanksgiving recess, is set for 8 p.m. EST Saturday.

Lincoln's and Landrieu's announcements follow a similar announcement by Sen. Ben Nelson (D., Neb.) another centrist, on Friday.


So kind of you three. Thanks.

Thursday, November 19, 2009

Casual Entrance

365 Photo: Back alley, Casual Entrance.


Check out my complete Flickr page.

Obama gets no backup, headed for colossal mistake

Dan Froomkin again writes what I've been thinking, but have not been good enough at articulating. He dissects the debate in Washington over Afghanistan (sure escalation, if only for politicking's sake) vs. the national reality (more want to get the fuck out).

As it happens, in this case political reality actually diverges quite markedly from public opinion. The public overwhelmingly opposes the war -- 57 percent to 39 percent, according to the latest Associated Press poll. And disengagement from Afghanistan -- even though it's not even being discussed as a serious option in political circles -- is considerably more popular with the American public than escalation, which is almost all anyone in Washington can talk about. The latest CNN poll found that 49 percent of Americans favored reducing the number of troops in Afghanistan -- with 28 percent saying they should all be withdrawn immediately -- compared to less than 40 percent who want to send more.

Generalized public sentiment alone, however, is unlikely to force any American president to consider a military withdrawal without victory. "It is always easier in the short term to stay in than to get out," says Walt. "And therefore the temptation to take one more drink is always there."

What it would take is a great deal of organized political pressure. But there is no significant peace movement pushing for withdrawal. There is, in fact, almost no political manifestation whatsoever of what is the majority view. The political pressure is all coming from one side.


But no pushback. And that's on us. We are a country and a culture in a daze. We have too much shit to care about to adequately assess a faceless war half a world away. I'm not blaming anyone. I mean it. The economy, health care, swine flu, everything else the media tells us to worry about, crime, just living life, it all gets in the way. Our culture has fractured off into subgroups, fostered by the Internet's vast playgrounds and possibilities. Engaging in a war debate (unless you're a military family) is the furthest from the every day mindset.

The most fascinating thing to ponder is if Obama announced a re-institution of the draft in an effort to ramp up the war. I know that's completely unrealistic, but I really wonder how we would react. Would people start to change their attitude, draft-eligible or not?

Again, we are a country and a culture in an multifaceted daze and I don't know what to do about it.

Barack O. Bush

Glenn Greenwald tears into the Obama/Holder model of justice:

(On Holder's Senate Judiciary hearing yesterday in which he struggled to defend his decision to trial KSM in New York)
Once you endorse the notion that the Government has the right to imprison people not captured on any battlefield without giving them trials -- as the Obama administration is doing explicitly and implicitly -- what convincing rationale can anyone offer to justify giving Mohammed and other 9/11 defendants a real trial in New York? If you're taking the position that military commissions and even indefinite detention are perfectly legitimate tools to imprison people -- as Holder has done -- then what is the answer to the Right's objections that Mohammed himself belongs in a military commission? If the administration believes Omar Khadr belongs in a military commission, and if they believe others can be held indefinitely without any charges, why isn't that true of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed? By denying jury trials to a large number of detainees, Obama officials have completely gutted their own case for why they did the right thing in giving Mohammed a trial in New York.

Even worse, Holder was reduced to admitting -- even boasting -- that this concocted multi-tiered justice system (trials for some, commissions for others, indefinite detention for the rest) enables the Government to pick and choose what level of due process someone gets based on the Government's assessment as to where and how they're most likely to get a conviction ...


How will prominent, respected lawyers Barack Obama (constitutional law) and Attorney General Eric Holder feel about themselves in 10 years? How can they reconcile their pure thoughts about the law with their adoption of so much of Bush administration rhetoric and fear of using our own legal system to handle terrorists? Needless to say, they know what they're doing and it's keeping them up at nights. Whether this happened long ago or not, it doesn't matter, but these men have adopted the corrosive, toxic, insidious aspects of Washington (and American) culture. It doesn't matter who the king and his minions are, they will always be the most powerful. They got to the throne by pretending to care about the lesser among us. That was their ticket. Now they walk upright, and are no longer to be bothered by what's going on in the barn.

Wednesday, November 18, 2009

Nail in the coffin

Catching up on some news from last week, remember those torture photos that Joe Lieberman (and the Obama administration) successfully suppressed through an amendment to the Homeland Security appropriations bill that gave the power to shield them to Defense Sec. Gates?

Well, Gates has used his new jurisdiction in Congress's business to withhold the damning photos, thwarting a court order in the process.

Mother Jones:


Gates' new authority comes from a law, signed by President Barack Obama last month, that gives the Secretary of Defense the power to rule that photos of detainees are exempt from release under the Freedom of Information Act. Gates' action on Friday was the first use of the new FOIA exemption since it passed Congress last month. The photos in question are the subject of a years-long legal fight by the American Civil Liberties Union, which first filed a FOIA request for records pertaining to detainee treatment, rendition, and death in May of 2005. The case is currently being reviewed by the Supreme Court.


A court filing [pdf] Friday revealed Gates' action.

Let's remember things like this when we're telling the history of the post-9/11 era of America.

Get off my lawn!

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) does his best head-up-his-own-ass impression:

U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell said on Tuesday that a Democratic bill to revamp regulation of the financial industry must be revised to win support from his side of the political aisle.

"It's a long way from being ready to go forward on any bipartisan basis," McConnell told reporters after Senate Republicans were briefed on the massive measure drafted by Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd.

McConnell denounced the Dodd bill, saying like pending healthcare legislation, it is another proposal that "seeks to re-work a major part of our country."

Citing public opinion polls, McConnell said: "The public is saying to all of us: 'Quit passing 1,000-page bills (and) concentrate on trying to improve the economy.'"


Note to Mitch: Things need to be significantly changed. Where were you the last eight years? Hell, where were you last September. There's a kind of nihilistic quality to Republicans, but maybe it's nihilism in a classist sense. "I'm rich and doing just fine, so stop changing shit." Thanks Mitch.

Tuesday, November 17, 2009

An electoral virus

Ever really thought deeply about what it would take to achieve something seemingly unreachable (reasons: will, talent, intelligence, money) and, if only for fun, considered that it might be possible? That anyone in the age of social networking and Internet domination could make a work of art out of how to inject oneself into the national conversation? No. Yes. Whatever?

I think I could get 1% of the popular vote in the next presidential election. I know what you're saying: John, quit huffin' that gas can and get rererere-real. Sure.

But 1% of the country is 3 million (I believe we're still at 300 million as a country). And, of course, not every adult votes. About 122.4 million, or 54% of the eligible population, voted. So that means roughly 1.25 million is 1% of the vote, ultimately.

I could drum that up with a cleverly self-marketed campaign via Facebook/Twitter/YouTube/Wiki-Wiki and such. Boom, 1.25 million.

Of course, there's the ballot issue. But you say from the beginning, "Write me in. Write me in all over the nation. Make a joke out of it. A vote for John is a win for you."

This might take a little more web savvy than I seem to be giving it credit for, but screw it. Maybe a group of people good with many different web platforms could pull something off. A comedy act, possibly? "Viral gone heywire!" That's what they'll call it on CNN.

It's the future!

365 Photo: Liftoff of the Millennium Falcon.

Monday, November 16, 2009

Anesthetized

Agence France Presse on the lack of care in a sustained anti-war movement among the young:

When student Hemnecher Amen joined a protest outside the White House recently, it was the latest visible opposition here to US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Hardly anyone took notice.

"There's a lot of apathy and a growing disconnectedness to what's going on in world affairs," the frustrated Howard University junior told AFP as some 200 people, including a handful of students, gathered for the march.

Students are more interested in trying to get a job and make money. That's essentially the bottom line."

With the US military several years into two faraway wars, American students like Amen are taking to the streets less often -- and to less effect -- than their Vietnam-era predecessors who were the vanguard of the anti-war movement in the 1960s and early 1970s.

Mounting economic and academic pressures on today's youth, intimidation by authorities, online distractions and conflicted views about the "good" war in Afghanistan, not to mention other causes such as health care and slashed school budgets clawing for attention, have conspired to snuff out anti-war activism on campus, experts and students say.

They acknowledge, too, that US President Barack Obama has paradoxically hampered the movement because many of the largely leftist protest groups haven't wanted to openly oppose him so early in his first term.

"There's this trust that he's going to fix it all," said Shara Esbenshade, 19, a sophomore at Stanford University and member of Stanford Says No To War.


What would it take to motivate this generation to mobilize, outside of a draft or a presidential election?

Defeat Smash Mouth

Absurdist bizarro-comedian Neil Hamburger with the AV Club, on his fans:

AVC: You seem to have a lot of reverence for the entertainment industry, yet you do these sick jokes about celebrities. How do you reconcile that?

NH: I think it’s an honor to the great entertainers—to the Bob Hopes and the Stan Laurels—for me to keep with the times and tell the sorts of jokes these crowds want, especially when you look at the types of crowds I’m performing for. These people are druggies, they have horrible, horrible taste in music, a lot of them are suffering from chronic depression, on every anti-depressant you can think of. I’ll tell you, when James Dean died in 1955, if you’d come out with a joke about that you would’ve gone straight to jail! Now, if Michael Jackson dies and you don’t have a joke, you go straight to jail.


And the contempt he has for ... absurdist bizzaro-band Smash Mouth:

AVC: It’s even more surprising how much you joke about Smash Mouth.

NH: That’s really ghastly music, you know? And a lot of people are upset about it. There is a public consciousness of despair when anything by those guys comes on the radio. I have had people come up to me and say, “Neil, I can’t take it anymore. You’ve gotta quit comedy and devote all your energies to breaking Smash Mouth’s legs so that they can’t tour anymore.” Well, I’m not gonna do that, but I will write some jokes at their expense.

The new star

The Atlantic's Patrick Chovanec profiles the nine regions of China, highlighting the complex and, at times, tenuous relationships amongst them. Reading through these, I'm reminded how much China and U.S. do and don't have alike, as well as how little the average American understands about China, and vice versa I would imagine.

As China’s economy becomes more integrated, these regional differences are taking on greater importance than ever before. Each of the Nine Nations faces a unique set of challenges and opportunities in carving out its own competitive niche. Anyone who wants to do business in China, make policy towards China, or simply comprehend the dramatic changes happening there should understand the Nine Nations and the role each of them is playing in shaping China’s future.


(Nice work by The Atlantic here, I think, in design, functionality and simpleness coexisting in the graphic. Good, basic statistics (nothing too overkill), eye-pleasing and, most of all, every region has a great story, and Chovanec aptly dissected in so many words. Well done.)

Jazzbot Xtreme!

Something more mature and sophisicated!

I've got John Yoo on line one. He wants to say something.

Torture memo author John Yoo crawls out from under a rock to give his view of terrorism trials in New York.

'This is a prosecutorial decision as well as a national security decision," President Barack Obama said last week about the attorney general's announcement that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and other al Qaeda operatives will be put on trial in New York City federal court.

No, it is not. It is a presidential decision—one about the hard, ever-present trade-off between civil liberties and national security.

Trying KSM in civilian court will be an intelligence bonanza for al Qaeda and the hostile nations that will view the U.S. intelligence methods and sources that such a trial will reveal. The proceedings will tie up judges for years on issues best left to the president and Congress.

Whether a jury ultimately convicts KSM and his fellows, or sentences them to death, is beside the point. The treatment of the 9/11 attacks as a criminal matter rather than as an act of war will cripple American efforts to fight terrorism. It is in effect a declaration that this nation is no longer at war.


This man has no credibility.

Sunday, November 15, 2009

Newspaper as community

http://harpers.org/archive/2009/11/0082712?redirect=1482511298

Posting the Harper's November cover story here, since it's awesome.

--------
Twilight of the American newspaper

By Richard Rodriguez

A scholar I know, a woman who is ninety-six years old, grew up in a tin shack on the American prairie, near the Canadian border. She learned to read from the pages of the Chicago Tribune in a one-room schoolhouse. Her teacher, who had no more than an eighth-grade education, had once been to Chicago—had been to the opera! Women in Chicago went to the opera with bare shoulders and long gloves, the teacher imparted to her pupils. Because the teacher had once been to Chicago, she subscribed to the Sunday edition of the Chicago Tribune, which came on the train by Tuesday, Wednesday at the latest.

Several generations of children learned to read from that text. The schoolroom had a wind-up phonograph, its bell shaped like a morning glory, and one record, from which a distant female voice sang “Ah, Sweet Mystery of Life.”

Is it better to have or to want? My friend says her teacher knew one great thing: There was something out there. She told her class she did not expect to see even a fraction of what the world had to offer. But she hoped they might.

I became a reader of the San Francisco Chronicle when I was in high school and lived ninety miles inland, in Sacramento. On my way home from school, twenty-five cents bought me a connection with a gray maritime city at odds with the postwar California suburbs. Herb Caen, whose column I read immediately—second section, corner left—invited me into the provincial cosmopolitanism that characterized the city’s outward regard: “Isn’t it nice that people who prefer Los Angeles to San Francisco live there?”

Newspapers have become deadweight commodities linked to other media commodities in chains that are coupled or uncoupled by accountants and lawyers and executive vice presidents and boards of directors in offices thousands of miles from where the man bit the dog and drew ink. The San Francisco Chronicle is owned by the Hearst Corporation, once the Chronicle’s archrival. The Hearst Corporation has its headquarters in New York City. According to Hearst, the Chronicle has been losing a million dollars a week. In San Francisco there have been buyouts and firings of truck drivers, printers, reporters, artists, editors, critics. With a certain élan, the San Francisco Chronicle has taken to publishing letters from readers who remark the diminishing pleasure or usefulness of the San Francisco Chronicle.

When a newspaper dies in America, it is not simply that a commercial enterprise has failed; a sense of place has failed. If the San Francisco Chronicle is near death—and why else would the editors celebrate its 144th anniversary? and why else would the editors devote a week to feature articles on fog?—it is because San Francisco’s sense of itself as a city is perishing.

Most newspapers that are dying today were born in the nineteenth century. The Seattle Post–Intelligencer died 2009, born 1863. The Rocky Mountain News died 2009, born 1859. The Ann Arbor News died 2009, born 1835. It was the pride and the function of the American newspaper in the nineteenth century to declare the forming congregation of buildings and services a city—a place busy enough or populated enough to have news. Frontier American journalism preserved a vestige of the low-church impulse toward universal literacy whereby the new country imagined it could read and write itself into existence. We were the Gutenberg Nation.

Nineteenth-century newspapers draped bunting about their mastheads and brandished an inflated diction and a Gothic type to name themselves the Herald, the Eagle, the Tribune, the Mercury, the Globe, the Sun. With the passage of time, the name of the city was commonly attached to the name of the newspaper, not only to distinguish the Alexandria Gazette from the New York Gazette but because the paper described the city and the city described the paper.

The Daily Dramatic Chronicle, precursor to the San Francisco Chronicle, was founded in 1865 by two teenage brothers on a borrowed twenty-dollar gold piece. Charles and Michael de Young (a third brother, Gustavus, was initially a partner in the publishing venture) had come west with their widowed mother from St. Louis. In California, the brothers invented themselves as descendants of French aristocracy. They were adolescents of extraordinary gumption at a time when San Francisco was a city of gumption and of stranded young men.

Karl Marx wrote that Gold Rush California was “thickly populated by men of all races, from the Yankee to the Chinese, from the Negro to the Indian and Malay, from the Creole and Mestizo to the European.” Oscar Wilde seconded Karl Marx: “It is an odd thing, but everyone who disappears is said to be in San Francisco.” What must Gold Rush San Francisco have been like? Melville’s Nantucket? Burning Man? An arms bazaar in Yemen? There were Russians, Chileans, Frenchmen, Welshmen, and Mexicans. There were Australian toughs, the worst of the lot by most accounts—“Sydney Ducks”—prowling the waterfront. There were Chinese opium dens beneath the streets and Chinese opera houses above them. Historians relish the old young city’s foggy wharves and alleyways, its frigates, fleas, mud, and hazard. Two words attached to the lawless city the de Young brothers moved about in. One was “vigilante,” from the Spanish. The other was “hoodlum”—a word coined in San Francisco to name the young men loitering about corners, threatening especially to the Chinese.

The de Young brothers named their newspaper the Daily Dramatic Chronicle because stranded young men seek entertainment. The city very early developed a taste for limelight that was as urgent as its taste for red light. In 1865, there were competing opera houses in the city; there were six or seven or twelve theaters. The Daily Dramatic Chronicle was a theatrical sheet delivered free of charge to the city’s saloons and cafés and reading rooms. San Francisco desperately appreciated minstrel shows and circuses and melodeons and Shakespeare. Stages were set up in gambling halls and saloons where Shakespearean actors, their velvets much the worse for wear, pointed to a ghost rising at the back of the house: Peace, break thee off. Look where it comes again.

An Italian who came to San Francisco to study medicine in 2003 swears he saw the ghost of a forty-niner, in early light, when he slept and then woke in an old house out by the ocean. The forty-niner was very young, my friend said, with a power of sadness about him. He did not speak. He had red hair and wore a dark shirt.

We can imagine marooned opera singers, not of the second, perhaps not even of the third rank, enunciating elaborate prayers and curses from the Italian repertoire as they stumbled among the pebbles and stones of cold running creeks on their way to perform in Gold Rush towns along the American River. It was as though the grandiose nineteenth-century musical form sought its natural echo in the canyons of the Sierra Nevada. The miners loved opera. (Puccini reversed the circuit and took David Belasco’s melodrama of the Gold Rush back to Europe as La Fanciulla del West.)

In 1860, San Francisco had a population of 57,000. By 1870, the population had almost tripled, to 149,000. Within three years of its founding, by 1868, the Daily Dramatic Chronicle would evolve with its hormonal city to become the Daily Morning Chronicle. The de Young brothers were in their early twenties. Along with theatrical and operatic listings, the Chronicle then published news of ships sailing into and out of the bay and the dollar equivalents of treasure in their holds, and bank robberies, and saloon shootings, and gold strikes and drownings, an extraordinary number of suicides, likewise fires, for San Francisco was a wooden city, as it still is in many of its districts.

It is still possible, very occasionally, to visit the Gold Rush city when one attends a crowded theater. Audiences here, more than in any city I know, possess a wit in common and can react as one—in pleasure, but also in derision. I often think our impulse toward hoot and holler might be related to our founding sense of isolation, to our being “an oasis of civilization in the California desert,” in the phrase of Addison DeWitt (in All About Eve), who, though a Hollywood figment, is about as good a rendition as I can summon of the sensibility (“New York critics”) we have courted here for one hundred and fifty years. And deplored.

The nineteenth-century city felt itself surrounded by vacancy—to the west, the gray court of the Pacific; to the east, the Livermore Valley, the San Joaquin Valley, the Sierra Nevada range. Shipping and mining were crucial to the wealth of the city, but they were never the consolations the city sought. The city looked, rather, to Addison DeWitt—to the eastern United States, to Europe, for approbation. If there was a pathetic sense of insecurity in living at the edge of the continent—San Francisco proclaiming itself “the Paris of the Pacific”!—the city also raised men of visionary self-interest who squinted into the distance and conceived of opening trade to Asia or cutting down redwood forests or laying track across a sea of yellow grass.

Readers in other parts of the country were fascinated by any scrap of detail about the Gold Rush city. Here is a fragment (July 9, 1866) from Bret Harte’s dispatch to readers of the Springfield Republican (from a collection of such dispatches edited by Gary Scharnhorst). The description remains accurate:

Midsummer! . . . To dwellers in Atlantic cities, what visions of heated pavements, of staring bricks, of grateful shade trees, of straw hats and white muslin, are conjured up in this word. . . . In San Francisco it means equal proportions of fog and wind. On the evening of the Fourth of July it was a pleasant and instructive sight to observe the population, in great-coats and thick shawls, warming themselves by bonfires, watching the sky-rockets lose themselves in the thick fog, and returning soberly home to their firesides and warm blankets.

From its inception, the San Francisco Chronicle borrowed a tone of merriment and swagger from the city it daily invented—on one occasion with fatal consequences: in 1879, the Chronicle ran an exposé of the Reverend Isaac Smith Kalloch, a recent arrival to the city (“driven forth from Boston like an Unclean Leper”) who had put himself up as a candidate for mayor. The Chronicle recounted Kalloch’s trial for adultery in Massachusetts (“his escapade with one of the Tremont Temple choristers”). Kalloch responded by denouncing the “bawdy house breeding” of the de Young boys, implying that Charles and Michael’s mother kept a whorehouse in St. Louis. Charles rose immediately to his mother’s defense; he shot Kalloch, who recovered and won City Hall. De Young never served jail time. A year later, in 1880, Kalloch’s son shot and killed Charles de Young in the offices of the Chronicle.

“Hatred of de Young is the first and best test of a gentleman,” Ambrose Bierce later remarked of Michael, the surviving brother. However just or unjust Bierce’s estimation, the de Young brothers lived and died according to their notion of a newspaper’s purpose—that it should entertain and incite the population.

In 1884, Michael was shot by Adolph Spreckels, the brother of a rival newspaper publisher and the son of the sugar magnate Claus Spreckels, after the Chronicle accused the Spreckels Sugar Company of labor practices in Hawaii amounting to slavery. De Young was not mortally wounded and Spreckels was acquitted on a claim of reasonable cause.

When he died in 1925, Michael de Young bequeathed the ownership of the Chronicle to his four daughters with the stipulation that it could not be sold out of the family until the death of the last surviving daughter.

San Francisco gentility has roots as shallow and as belligerent as those of the Australian blue gum trees that were planted heedlessly throughout the city and now configure and scent our Sunday walks. In 1961, Holiday magazine came to town to devote an entire issue to San Francisco. The three living daughters of Michael de Young were photographed seated on an antique high-backed causeuse in the gallery of the old M. H. de Young Memorial Museum their father had donated to the city to house his collection of paintings and curiosities (including a scabrous old mummy beloved of generations of schoolchildren—now considered too gauche to be displayed). For the same issue, Alma de Bretteville Spreckels, widow of Adolph, was photographed taking tea in her Pacific Heights mansion in what looks to be a fur-trimmed, floor-length velvet gown. The Spreckels family donated to the city a replica of the Palais de la Legion d’Honneur in Paris to house a collection of European paintings and rooms and furniture. One Spreckels and three de Youngs make four Margaret Dumonts—a San Francisco royal flush.

In 1972, the museum donated by Michael de Young merged with the museum created by the family of the man who tried to murder Michael de Young to become the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco.

Men, usually men, who assumed the sole proprietorships of newspapers in the nineteenth century were the sort of men to be attracted by the way a newspaper could magnify an already fatted ego. Newspaper publishers were accustomed to lord over cities.

William Randolph Hearst was given the San Francisco Examiner by his father, a mining millionaire and U.S. senator, who may or may not have won it in a poker game in 1880. As it happened, young Hearst was born to run a newspaper. He turned the Examiner into the largest-circulation paper in San Francisco before he moved on to New York, where, in 1895, he acquired the New York Journal. Hearst quickly engaged in a yellow-journalism rivalry with Joseph Pulitzer’s New York World. Both Hearst and Pulitzer assumed political careers. Hearst served in the Congress of the United States—served is not quite the word—as did Pulitzer, briefly.

We remember Joseph Pulitzer not as a sensationalist journalist but as the philanthropist who endowed an award for excellence in journalism and the arts. We remember William Randolph Hearst because his castle overlooking the Pacific—fifty miles of ocean frontage—is as forthright a temple to grandiosity as this nation can boast. And we remember Hearst as the original for Orson Welles’s Citizen Kane. Welles portrayed Charles Foster Kane with the mix of populism and egomania audiences of the time easily recognized as Hearst. Kane the champion of the common man becomes Kane the autocrat. Kane builds an opera house for his paramour. Kane invents a war.

The San Francisco Chronicle and the San Francisco Examiner were both losing money when, in 1965, Charles Thieriot, grandson of Michael de Young, met with William Randolph Hearst Jr. to collaborate on what they called the San Francisco Newspaper Agency. The Agency was a third entity designed to share production and administrative costs. The papers were to maintain editorial discretion and separate staffs. In addition, an incoherent Sunday edition shuffled together sections from both the Chronicle and the Examiner. The terms of the publishers’ agreement eventually favored the afternoon Hearst newspaper, for it was soon to fall behind, to become the lesser newspaper in a two-paper town. The Examiner nevertheless continued to collect half the profits of both.

In January 1988, Phyllis Tucker, the last surviving daughter of Michael de Young, died in San Francisco. Tucker’s daughter, Nan Tucker McEvoy, managed to forestall the sale of the paper for several years. But in 1999, the founding publisher’s posthumous grip was pried loose by a majority vote of family members to sell. At that time, the Hearst Corporation was desirous of reclaiming the San Francisco market. Hearst paid $660 million to the de Young heirs for the San Francisco Chronicle.

To satisfy antitrust concerns of the Justice Department, the Hearst Corporation sold the still-extant San Francisco Examiner to the politically connected Fang family, owners of Asianweek, the oldest and largest English-language Asian-American newspaper. The Hearst Corporation paid the Fangs a subsidy of $66 million to run the Examiner. Florence Fang placed her son, Ted Fang, in the editor’s chair. Within a year, Florence Fang fired her son; Ted Fang threatened to sue his mother. In 2004, the Fang family sold the Examiner to Philip Anschutz, a scattershot entrepreneur from Colorado who deflated William Randolph Hearst’s “Monarch of the Dailies” to a freebie tabloid that gets delivered to houses up and down the street twice a week, willy-nilly, and litters the floors of San Francisco municipal buses.

The day after I was born in San Francisco, my tiny existential fact was noted in several of the papers that were barked through the downtown streets. In truth, the noun “newspaper” is something of a misnomer. More than purveyors only of news, American newspapers were entrusted to be keepers of public record—papers were daily or weekly cumulative almanacs of tabular information. A newspaper’s morgue was scrutable evidence of the existence of a city. Newspapers published obituaries and they published birth announcements. They published wedding announcements and bankruptcy notices. They published weather forecasts (even in San Francisco, where on most days the weather is optimistic and unremarkable—fog clearing by noon). They published the fire department’s log and high school basketball scores. In a port city like San Francisco, there were listings of the arrivals and departures of ships. None of this constituted news exactly; it was a record of a city’s mundane progress. News was old as soon as it was dry—“fishwrap,” as Herb Caen often called it.

Unwilling to forfeit any fraction of my quarter, I even studied the classifieds—-unrelieved columns laid out like city blocks: Room for rent. Marina. No pets. File clerk position. Heavy phones. Ticket agent for busy downtown box office. Must be bonded. Norman, we’re still here. Only once did I find the titillation I was looking for, a listing worthy of a barbershop magazine, an Argosy, or a Mickey Spillane: “Ex-Green Beret will do anything legal for cash.” Newspapers were sustained by classifieds, as well as by department-store ads and automobile ads. I admired the urbanity of the drawings of newspaper ads in those years, and I took from them a conception of the posture of downtown San Francisco. Despite glimpses into the classified life of the city, despite the hauteur of ad-art mannerism, the Chronicle offered some assurance (to an adolescent such as I was) it would have been difficult for me to describe. I will call it now an implied continuity. There was continuity in the comics and on the sports page, but nowhere more than in the columns.

During Scott Newhall’s tenure as executive editor, from 1952 to 1971, the Chronicle achieved something of a golden age. Newhall was flamboyant in ways that were congenial to the city. At a time when the Los Angeles Times was attracting admiration from the East Coast for its fleet of foreign bureaus, Newhall reverted to an eighteenth-century model of a newspaper as first-person observer.

For nearly two decades the city that prized its singularity was entertained by idiosyncratic voices. At the shallow end of the Chronicle’s roster (under the cipher of a coronet) appeared Count Marco, a Liberace of the typewriter who concerned himself with fashion and beauty and l’amour. At the deep end—a snug corner at Gino and Carlo’s bar in North Beach—sat “Charles McCabe, Esq.,” an erudite connoisseur of books, spirits, and failed marriages. Terrence O’Flaherty watched television. Stanton Delaplane, to my mind the best writer among them, wrote “Postcard”—a travel series with charm and humor. Art Hoppe concocted political satire. Harold Gilliam expounded on wind and tide and fog. Alfred Frankenstein was an art critic of international reputation. There was a book column by William Hogan and a society column by Frances Moffat. Allan Temko wrote architectural criticism against the grain of the city’s sensibility, a sensibility he sometimes characterized as a liberal spirit at odds with a timorous aesthetic. All the Chronicle columnists and critics had constituents, but the name above the banner was Herb Caen.

Herb Caen began writing a column for the Chronicle before the Second World War. At that time, Caen was in his twenties and probably resembled the fresh, fast-talking smarty-pants he pitched his voice to portray in print. Item. . .item. . .who’s gotta item? In 1950, he was lured over to the Examiner at a considerable hike in salary, and circulation followed at his heels. He knew all the places; he knew the maître d’s, the bartenders, the bouncers, the flower-sellers, the cops, the madams, the shopkeepers—knew them in the sense that they all knew him and knew he could be dangerous. In 1958, Caen returned to the Chronicle, and, again, circulation tilted.

Each day except Saturday, for forty years, Caen set the conversation for San Francisco. Who was in town. Who was in the hospital and would appreciate a card. Who was seen drinking champagne out of a rent boy’s tennis shoe. His last column began: “And how was your Christmas?” He persuaded hundreds of thousands of readers (crowded on buses, on the way to work) that his was the city we lived in. Monday through Friday, Caen was an omniscient table-hopping bitch. On Sunday, he dropped all that; he reverted to an ingenue—a sailor on leave, a sentimental flaneur infatuated with his dream “Baghdad-by-the-Bay.” The point of the Sunday perambulation was simple relish—fog clearing by noon; evidence that the mystical, witty, sourdough city had survived one more week.

After a time, Caen stopped writing Sunday panegyrics; he said it was not the same city anymore, and it wasn’t. He wasn’t. Los Angeles, even San Jose—two cities created by suburbanization—had become more influential in the world than the “cool grey city of love,” a George Sterling line Caen favored. The Chinese city did not figure in Caen’s novel, except atmospherically—lanterns and dragons, chorus girls at the Forbidden City, Danny Kaye taking over the kitchen at Kan’s, that sort of thing. The growing Filipino, Latin-American city did not figure at all.

In Caen’s heyday, the San Francisco Chronicle reflected the self-infatuated city. But it was not the city entire that drew the world’s attention. In the 1950s, the version of San Francisco that interested the world was Jack Kerouac’s parish—a few North Beach coffeehouses habituated by beatniks (a word Caen coined) and City Lights Bookstore. By the time I was a teenager, the path to City Lights was electrified by the marquees of topless clubs and bad wolves with flashlights beckoning passersby toward red velvet curtains. Anyway, the scene had moved by that time to the fog-shrouded Grateful Dead concerts in Golden Gate Park and to the Haight Ashbury. A decade later, the most famous neighborhood in the city was the homosexual Castro District. San Francisco never seemed to grow old the way other cities grow old.

In 1967, the Chronicle’s rock and jazz critic, Ralph J. Gleason, teamed up with a renegade cherub named Jann Wenner to publish Rolling Stone magazine. What this disparate twosome intuited was that by chronicling the rising influence of rock music, they were effectively covering a revolution. In New York, writers were cultivating, in the manner of Thackeray, a self-referential point of view and calling it the “New Journalism.” In San Francisco, Rolling Stone was publishing a gospel “I” that found itself in a world without precedent: Greil Marcus, Cameron Crowe, Patti Smith, Timothy Ferris, Hunter S. Thompson. I remember sitting in an Indian tea shop in South London in 1970 (in the manner of the New Journalism) and being gripped by envy potent enough to be called homesickness as I read John Burks’s account of the Stones concert at Altamont. It was like reading a dispatch from the Gold Rush city.

One morning in the 1970s, the Chronicle began to publish Armistead Maupin’s Tales of the City—adding sex and drugs and local branding to the nineteenth-century gimmick of serial fiction. At a time when American families were trending to the suburbs, Maupin’s novel insisted that San Francisco was still magnetic for single lives. In those same years, Cyra McFadden was writing satirically about the sexual eccentricities of suburban Marin County in a series (“The Serial”) for an alternative newspaper called the Pacific Sun.

In those same years, Joan Didion wrote, in The White Album, that for many people in Los Angeles “the Sixties ended abruptly on August 9, 1969, ended at the exact moment when word of the (Manson family) murders on Cielo Drive traveled like brushfire through the community.” To borrow for a moment the oracular deadpan: In San Francisco, the Sixties came to an end for many people in 1977, when Jann Wenner packed up and moved Rolling Stone to New York. As he departed, the moss-covered wunderkind griped to a young reporter standing by that San Francisco was a “provincial backwater.”

What no one could have imagined in 1977, not even Jann Wenner, was that a suburban industrial region thirty miles to the south of the city contained an epic lode. Silicon Valley would, within twenty years, become the capital of Nowhere. What no one could have imagined in 1977 was that San Francisco would become a bedroom community for a suburban industrial region that lay thirty miles to the south.

Don’t kid a kidder. Herb Caen died in 1997. With the loss of that daily hectoring voice, the Chronicle seemed to lose its narrative thread, as did the city. The Chronicle began to reprint Caen columns, to the bewilderment of anyone younger than thirty.

If you die in San Francisco, unless you are judged notable by our know-nothing newspaper (it is unlikely you will be judged notable unless your obituary has already appeared in the Washington Post or the New York Times), your death will be noted in a paid obituary submitted to the Chronicle by your mourners. More likely, there will be no public notice taken at all. As much as any vacancy in the Chronicle I can point to, the dearth of obituaries measures its decline.

In the nineteenth-century newspaper, the relationship between observer and observed was reciprocal: the newspaper described the city; the newspaper, in turn, was sustained by readers who were curious about the strangers that circumstance had placed proximate to them. So, I suppose, it is incomplete to notice that the San Francisco Chronicle has become remiss in its obituary department. Of four friends of mine who died recently in San Francisco, not one wanted a published obituary or any other public notice taken of his absence. This seems to me a serious abrogation of the responsibility of living in a city and as good an explanation as any of why newspapers are dying. All four of my friends requested cremation; three wanted their ashes consigned to the obscurity of Nature. Perhaps the cemetery is as doomed in America as the newspaper, and for the same reason: we do not imagine death as a city.

We no longer imagine the newspaper as a city or the city as a newspaper. Whatever I may say in the rant that follows, I do not believe the decline of newspapers has been the result solely of computer technology or of the Internet. The forces working against newspapers are probably as varied and foregone as the Model-T Ford and the birth-control pill. We like to say that the invention of the internal-combustion engine changed us, changed the way we live. In truth, we built the Model-T Ford because we had changed; we wanted to remake the world to accommodate our restlessness. We might now say: Newspapers will be lost because technology will force us to acquire information in new ways. In that case, who will tell us what it means to live as citizens of Seattle or Denver or Ann Arbor? The truth is we no longer want to live in Seattle or Denver or Ann Arbor. Our inclination has led us to invent a digital cosmopolitanism that begins and ends with “I.” Careening down Geary Boulevard on the 38 bus, I can talk to my my dear Auntie in Delhi or I can view snapshots of my cousin’s wedding in Recife or I can listen to girl punk from Glasgow. The cost of my cyber-urban experience is disconnection from body, from presence, from city.

A few months ago there was an item in the paper about a young woman so plugged into her personal sounds and her texting apparatus that she stepped off the curb and was mowed down by a honking bus.

In this morning’s paper there is a quote from an interview San Francisco’s mayor, Gavin Newsom, gave to The Economist concerning the likelihood that San Francisco will soon be a city without a newspaper: “People under thirty won’t even notice.”

The other day I came upon a coffeehouse that resembled, as I judged from its nineteenth-century exterior, the sort of café where the de Young brothers might have distributed their paper. The café was only a couple of blocks from the lively gay ambience of upper Market Street yet far removed from the clamorous San Francisco of the nineteenth century. Several men and women sat alone at separate tables. No one spoke. The café advertised free wi-fi; all but one of the customers had laptops open before them. (The exception was playing solitaire with a real deck of cards.) The only sounds were the hissing of an espresso machine and the clattering of a few saucers. A man in his forties, sitting by the door, stared at a screen upon which a cartoon animal, perhaps a dog, loped silently.

I should mention that the café, like every coffeehouse in the city, had stacks of the Bay Guardian, S.F. Weekly, the Bay Area Reporter—free and roughly equivalent to the Daily Dramatic Chronicle of yore. I should mention that San Francisco has always been a city of stranded youth, and the city apparently continues to provide entertainments for youth:

Gosta Berling, Kid Mud, Skeletal System El Rio. 8pm, $5. Davis Jones, Eric Andersen and Tyler Stafford, Melissa McClelland Hotel Utah. 8pm, $7. Ben Kweller, Jones Street Station, Princeton Slim’s. 8:30pm, $19. Harvey Mandel and the Snake Crew Biscuits and Blues. 8pm, $16. Queers, Mansfields, Hot Toddies, Atom Age Bottom of the Hill. 8:30pm, $12.

The colleague I am meeting for coffee tells me (occasioned by my puzzlement at the wi-fi séance) that more and more often he is finding sex on Craigslist. As you know better than I do, one goes to Craigslist to sell or to buy an old couch or a concert ticket or to look for a job. But also to arrange for sexual Lego with a body as free of narrative as possible. (Im bored 26-Oakland-east.)

Another friend, a journalist born in India, who has heard me connect newspapers with place once too often, does not dispute my argument, but neither is he troubled by it: “If I think of what many of my friends and I read these days, it is still a newspaper, but it is clipped and forwarded in bits and pieces on email—a story from the New York Times, a piece from Salon, a blog from the Huffington Post, something from the Times of India, from YouTube. It is like a giant newspaper being assembled at all hours, from every corner of the world, still with news but no roots in a place. Perhaps we do not need a sense of place anymore.”

So what is lost? Only bricks and mortar. (The contemptuous reply.) Cities are bricks and mortar. Cities are bricks and mortar and bodies. In Chicago, women go to the opera with bare shoulders.

Something funny I have noticed, perhaps you have noticed it, too. You know what futurists and online-ists and cut-out-the-middle-man-ists and Davos-ists and deconstructionists of every stripe want for themselves? They want exactly what they tell you you no longer need, you pathetic, overweight, disembodied Kindle reader. They want white linen tablecloths on trestle tables in the middle of vineyards on soft blowy afternoons. (You can click your bottle of wine online. Cheaper.) They want to go shopping on Saturday afternoons on the Avenue Victor Hugo; they want the pages of their New York Times all kind of greasy from croissant crumbs and butter at a café table in Aspen; they want to see their names in hard copy in the “New Establishment” issue of Vanity Fair; they want a nineteenth-century bookshop; they want to see the plays in London, they want to float down the Nile in a felucca; they want five-star bricks and mortar and do not disturb signs and views of the park. And in order to reserve these things for themselves they will plug up your eyes and your ears and your mouth, and if they can figure out a way to pump episodes of The Simpsons through the darkening corridors of your brain as you expire (add to shopping cart), they will do it.

We will end up with one and a half cities in America—Washington, D.C., and American Idol. We will all live in Washington, D.C., where the conversation is a droning, never advancing, debate between “conservatives” and “liberals.” We will not read about newlyweds. We will not read about the death of salesmen. We will not read about prize Holsteins or new novels. We are a nation dismantling the structures of intellectual property and all critical apparatus. We are without professional book reviewers and art critics and essays about what it might mean that our local newspaper has died. We are a nation of Amazon reader responses (Moby Dick is “not a really good piece of fiction”—Feb. 14, 2009, by Donald J. Bingle, Saint Charles, Ill.—two stars out of five). We are without obituaries, but the famous will achieve immortality by a Wikipedia entry.

National newspapers may try to impersonate regional newspapers that are dying or dead. (There have been reports that the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal will soon publish San Francisco Bay Area editions.) We already live in the America of USA Today, which appears, unsolicited, in a plastic chrysalis suspended from your doorknob at a Nebraska Holiday Inn or a Maine Marriott. We check the airport weather. We fly from one CNN Headline News monitor to another. We end up where we started.

An obituary does not propose a solution.

Techno-puritanism that wars with the body must also resist the weight of paper. I remember that weight. It was the weight of the world, carried by boys.

Late in grammar school and into high school, I delivered the Sacramento Bee, a newspaper that was, in those years, published in the afternoon, Monday through Saturday, and in the morning on Sundays. My route comprised one hundred and forty subscribers—nearly every house in three square blocks.

The papers were barely dry when I got them, warm to the touch and clean—if you were caught short, you could deliver a baby on newspaper. The smell of newspapers was a slick petroleum smell of ink. I would fold each paper in triptych, then snap on a rubber band. On Thursdays, the Bee plumped with a cooking section and with supermarket ads. On Sundays, there was added the weight of comics, of real estate and automobile sections, and supplements like Parade and the television guide.

I stuffed half my load of newspapers into the canvas bag I tied onto my bicycle’s handlebars; the rest went into saddlebags on the back. I never learned to throw a baseball with confidence, but I knew how to aim a newspaper well enough. I could make my mark from the sidewalk—one hand on the handlebar—with dead-eye nonchalance. The paper flew over my shoulder; it twirled over hedges and open sprinklers to land with a fine plop only inches from the door.

In the growling gray light (San Francisco still has foghorns), I collect the San Francisco Chronicle from the wet steps. I am so lonely I must subscribe to three papers—the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, the San Francisco Chronicle. I remark their thinness as I climb the stairs. The three together equal what I remember.

Thursday, November 12, 2009

Why he's the best

This Colbert interview of neocon, xenophobic, drop-dead boring goober Christopher Caldwell on Muslims being the biggest "problem" for Europe right now is amazing. 'The Europeans just aren't used to these Muslims in their pure largely monochromatic in their lands,' Caldwell implies. Colbert just toys with the poor sap, out neocon-ing the guy from The Weekly Standard. You can see at the end of the interview they have the camera view from behind Colbert. I could tell being at that perspective how he was devilishly smiling at his crew, as if to say, "Wasn't that fucking awesome?!"

And then after the interview, in the closing, Colbert adds one more jab.

Wednesday, November 11, 2009

Sinkhole



365 Photo: C St. and 7th NE

Two days, two big NYT reports

The New York Times reports that U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan Karl Eikenberry (always good to see someone named Karl in high places) allegedly thinks 10,000 to 15,000 more troops in Afghanistan is the right path to follow. This despite calls from top general in Afghanistan Stanley McChrystal.

The position of the ambassador, Karl W. Eikenberry, puts him in stark opposition to the current American and NATO commander in Afghanistan, Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, who has asked for 40,000 more troops.

Mr. Eikenberry sent his reservations to Washington in a cable last week, the officials said. In that same period, President Obama and his national security advisers have begun examining an option that would send relatively few troops to Afghanistan, about 10,000 to 15,000, with most designated as trainers for the Afghan security forces.


The story also says Obama will likely wait until December to make a decision. Eikenberry's alleged recommendation is one of four options Obama is reportedly mulling.

And from yesterday, Blackwater allegedly tried to bribe Iraqi officials to look the other way after killing 17 Iraqis in Nisour Square, Baghdad, in Sept. 2007. Jeremy Scahill, Blackwater expert, went on Maddow last night to discuss:

Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Heads only

365 Photo: The floating head lane.

Obama's problem? The anesthetized expectations of supporters.

Dan Froomkin writes the best critique of the nine-month-old Obama administration (and of those who voted for him) I've read thus far.

But some of Obama's lack of boldness may stem from the fact that when he looks behind him, there's essentially nobody there.

His legion of supporters, after rising up and sweeping him into office a year ago, basically sat their butts back down. They stood up again to cheer and cry on Inauguration Day. But then it was back to the recumbent position.

[... he has had some key accomplishments ...]

But on some key issues such as jobs, the bank bailout, the war in Afghanistan and a whole slew of executive-power related issues, Obama has fallen way short of expectations. He surrounded himself with too many people who represent politics-as-usual, and he has buckled under to pressure from the national security establishment that Bush put on steroids.

How much of that would be different, however, if the people who voted for Obama had remained politically active? If they were visibly and energetically not just supporting him, but pushing him to be bolder?

But Obama's supporters aren't giving him even rudimentary political cover.


This brings up some obvious truths to bear. The action stopped on Election Day. That was that. It was that easy.

People like me have been hard on the president for talking a big game in the campaign and not following through. Sure, not being George Bush is easy to pull off and assuages quite a few liberals. But he hasn't shown much in the way of bold leadership. And Froomkin is right, it's that he has a weak political structure behind him, at least compared to what he was riding in the campaign. Some might say that comparing an historic election to everyday governing is completely unfair. But, in a unique case like Obama's (He's a black American president! The first, in fact!) that campaign fervor is not normal. This is where his celebrity hurts him. The country was swept up. He was hailed. The McCain voters saw how what they didn't want was so glorified in their own country. So the resentful are now hardened and bitter, and supporters have been anesthetized by their "so noble and enlightened" gesture in voting for him that they forgot to demand that change. He's not the king they elected. He's a part of the equation in a Washington culture that can chew him up and puke him out without the public fervently behind him.

That's the connection between my disappointment in him and my disappointment in the electorate, the citizens. That doesn't let the Obama administration off the hook. But since we aren't going to empower them, they've just decided to take the egregious executive powers Bush left behind. Keeping those around is coming in handy!

Monday, November 9, 2009

Peggy Noonan steps out of Candyland to give us her thoughts

Peggy Noonan, queen of the Beltway drones:

NOONAN: There was a Gallup poll out this week that said, essentially -- it was a fairly broad poll. And people said -- it had gone up about 12 percent, the number of people who thought Obama was governing from the left, not from the center. It used to be about 42 percent. Now it was about 53, or so, percent of people.

I think the president, in a number of ways domestically, but lower it to a lot of busyness, a lot of spending. The promise, I think, of tax increases has taken people aback a little bit. And I think he has damaged his brand, as they say in the language of merchandising, which has now become the language of politics.

I think Jersey was the big election. I think Obama had carried Jersey, I think by about 15 points, just one year ago. Now, the Democratic governor, a strong supporter of Obama -- Obama had come and stood with him three times saying, New Jersey, vote for this man -- he just lost by five points. It was about a 20-point drop in support.

That tells you something. Jersey is a Democratic state, but they're worried about specific things. Unemployment, taxes they worry about a lot in Jersey, terrible property taxes, a bad economy. That's where their minds are. That's who votes in Jersey.

[...]

But the other big thing is that, as you said, partisanship -- which we thought he might be able to reduce -- the poison of partisanship has grown. It's gotten -- it's helped the Republicans. It's partly, I think you're right, the fault of the administration by not calling everybody in, not calling everybody from Bobby Jindal to Nancy Pelosi and saying, let's figure out how we're going to get health care and what the principles are.

[...]

I think the Democrats didn't notice that, when they were passing a stimulus bill that couldn't get one single Republican vote, it might have been viewed as problematic by the American people.


This is exactly the kind of bullshit that feeds through the Washington pundit class everyday. This unattainable fairy tale existence they call bipartisanship, where the machine politician and the fiery populist and the genteel conservative Southerner can all come together, regardless of party, and do what is "right" for the people. Shut up Peggy. When did that ever exist? Or if it actually did, it's long fucking gone. The Republican Party is completely unserious about responsible governing. The Democratic Party is void of any will beyond what keeps them in power. Both parties are corrupt and ultimately shills for whomever pays for their campaign to keep that power.

Spineless majority

Digby bemoans one decidedly Beltway prediction for the health care bill in the Senate, that the House's abortion amendment has to be adopted by the Senate to appease Centrists so empowered by House moderates. Who vested that power to moderates? The spineless House liberals that allowed this reckless power play. The sacrifice is women's rights.

So restricting women's fundamental rights is a horse trade. But why should it be that instead of something else? Are all of these "centrists" anti-choice? (I don't think so.) They could, after all, give them an airport or an aircraft carrier instead. Maybe offer up a little deregulation on some special interest in their district. Why would an issue like this assuage them en masse?

Unless what you really want to do is show everyone that liberals are not in charge and that they have to feel (even more) pain, real pain, before they get their way. There is no reason other than political domination to demand this particular issue as the bargaining chip: it is an object lesson to liberals, particularly women, for getting too uppity.


Update:
41 House Democrats have sent a letter to Nancy Pelosi vowing to withhold a vote on the merged Senate-House health bill if the abortion provision remains.

Dear Madam Speaker:

As members of Congress we believe that women should have access to a full range of reproductive health care. Health care reform must not be misused as an opportunity to restrict women's access to reproductive health services.

The Stupak-Pitts amendment to H.R. 3962, The Affordable Healthcare for America Act, represents an unprecedented and unacceptable restriction on women's ability to access the full range of reproductive health services to which they are lawfully entitled. We will not vote for a conference report that contains language that restricts women's right to choose any further than current law.


And upon this, Chris Bowers is skeptical, as we all should be, of the lame Progressive caucus:

It is a nice threat, but I have mixed feelings about Progressive Blocks right now. They succeeded as a negotiating tactic to keep the public option alive to this point, but it was not the public option they were targeting. Also, Stupak's regressive block was able to force an amendment vote on the House floor, while the Progressive Block was unable to do so.

Overall, Progressive have advanced their influence, but still don't hold as much power as conservative Democrats. The basic reason for this is that House Progressives still haven't held together to defeat a bill because their demands were not met. Until they do so, it is unlikely anyone will take their threats seriously. Maybe they should kill the climate change bill once some horrifying version of it passed through the Senate.

The Catholic Church's hold

Would the Catholic Church please get out of the country's legislating?

The New York Times:

“We think that providing health care is itself a pro-life thing, and we think that, by and large, providing better health coverage to women could reduce abortions,” said Richard M. Doerflinger, a spokesman for the anti-abortion division of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.

“But we don’t make these decisions statistically, and to get to that good we cannot do something seriously evil.”


Well that's equally as depressing and disgusting. The Bishops pressed hard for the abortion amendment in the House bill. The Democrats could give a fuck about defending a woman's right. They just want to mount their trophy and keep their hold on power.

We heard from insurance companies. We've heard from hospitals and big Pharma. We never heard from the church. Never forget about the toxic potency of religious fervor in America.

The varying standards of our age

Glenn Greenwald:

Isn't it fairly clear that the term "terrorism" is being applied to what Hasan did due to his religion rather than the acts themselves? Put another way, as ThinkProgress' Matt Duss put it: "the definition of terrorism is not 'any violence by any Muslim anywhere at any time for any reason'." But that -- along with the repellent claim from those who self-lovingly label themselves "brave" that saying "Allahu Akbar" is "suggestive of terrorism," rather than suggestive of someone who is Muslim -- is exactly what seems to be driving discussions of this attack. It's likely that there will always be a lack of clarity about exactly what motivated Hasan, but the only way to define it as an act of "terrorism" is to indict ourselves in the same way.


We see this all the time in the media, when reporters say, "Some have suggested," or they coyly pose a question while what they're really do is highly suggestive. Was the Fort Hood shooting a an act of terror? Is all violence terror? Assuming the approved definition of terrorism, why are we above blame? How about our drone attacks? It is not as precise and foolproof as the government explains while pumping more and more money into the production of more.

It's beyond arrogant. To put it another way, if you knew a person like America, you'd probably be scared shitless of him or her. We've anointed ourselves.

The Marketer in Chief

A Daily Dish reader explains Sarah Palin's motus operandi these days. It's a sales run. She's riding that wave, because who knows when it will come violently hurtling to a stop? Politics? Yeah, I gueeeesss. But this money making is good. She says, I'm going to put up with scrutiny from here on out, most likely. Why not cash in?

If you think of Palin as a politician trying to build a movement, it's indeed peculiar that she wouldn't want any video or audio coverage of an address that was, reportedly, delivered well and warmly received. But if you think of that address as content she wishes to sell at paid appearances, the restrictions make perfect sense. She wants to be paid to deliver this speech again and again, just as a movie distributor wants to charge numerous audiences to watch its film. If people see it online, they're less likely to pay to see it in person, and there will be some who decide they don't like it enough to pay for it.


Is it cynical and calculating? Of course. But you don't have to be a politician to shift things in Washington. Incendiary tastemakers Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck, Sean Hannity (who might be the worst since Limbaugh and Beck are mostly just selfish, ego-bloated charlatans while Hannity seems to genuinely foam at the mouth when talking about liberals) provide her with the perfect path. That means money, fame, a cult following, control, no messy governmental "duties" and power. The only place for her to go is U.S. senator, and that's generous. Really, she's doing what most of us would do. I predict after what is supposed to be a casual run for the Republican presidential nominee in 2012 turns haphazard and cartoonishly embarrassing, she will back away and stay outside the ring. But she will continue to lead her flock.

Saturday, November 7, 2009

House health care bill debate

I wonder how it makes Bart Stupak feel when conservative all-star Mike Pence is openly praising him in the middle of a highly divisive, hugely important vote on health care? (On his regressive amendment on abortion in the bill.)

And Steve Benen asks, Why aren't Republicans focusing on the actual warts on this bill? Indeed. Why drone on about socialism and big government takeover? That's not really attached to reality, is it?

Let the Christianist gorilla lead us



365 Photos: Gorilla with a cross at Tunnicliff's; Lamp at Dave's.

Friday, November 6, 2009

H1N1 vaccine to Wall St. and the illusion of change

John Aravosis of AMERICAblog on Wall St. firms getting the H1N1 flu vaccine before most other Americans:

This is an example of why Democratic turnout was low in the Tuesday's election. Not because Democrats have somehow "moved too far to the left." In fact, Democrats have moved too far to the right, and voters have had enough - including Democratic voters who are starting to wonder why "change" keeps looking like the same old corporate patronage crap we had under the Bush administration.


I believe there is nothing truer than that last line about the illusion of Change. The Obama administration's acceptance of so much of what this country -- or at least the Left -- despised about the Bush administration is really beyond ridiculous at this point. While I believe Democrats are mostly spineless when required to stand up for their stated principles, I'm not so naive as to think it's as simple as having a little courage. They are now in power. This has completely corroded them. Wall St. and corporate America lead them around. All Democrats are worried about is staying in power. What do they have to do to keep power? Appease who holds the purse strings. It's a Republican Light party. Barack Obama can say "change" all he wants; he's not serious about it. And if he is serious, well then he does lack a spine, just as most other Democrats.

So, I guess it's one or the other: no spine or typical power-hungry hack who will say just about anything to anyone for the sole purpose of holding power.

The 11/3 Project: Take back Glenn Beck's organs America!

Jon Stewart masterfully lampoons charlatan Glenn Beck's trademark hysteria on the subject of ... Glenn Beck's appedicitis. We have to go back to a simpler time, Stewart says, to when Beck's organs were pure. As in puberty.

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Thursday, November 5, 2009

Teabag snag


365 Photo: Tea party shindig on Capitol Hill

And kids as props! Yay! (Click on the picture for a closer look.)

Ain't what she used to be

Ezra Klein on the waning influence of the American South in American politics, saying that times are tough and don't look to improve anytime soon. Which, I would think, contributes substantially to the tea party freakout. This region is used to being in the mix. The South has always been in the fold, real and perceived as Atrios says:

This was true for so many years that the politician archetype in pop culture was always some middle aged white dude with at least a modest southern accent.


What a fascinating part of the world. The American South.

Michael Steele comes out of the tea party closet

RNC Chairman Michael Steele has a message for moderate Republicans: You're on your own folks. Politco's Ben Smith:

“You’re gonna find yourself in a very tough hole if you’re arguing for the president’s stimulus plan or Nancy Pelosi’s health plan. There’s no justification for growing the size of government the way this administration and this Congress wants to do it.”

Steele didn't name targets, but prominent governors -- Charlie Crist and Arnold Schwarzenegger -- supported the stimulus, while Olympia Snowe appears to be the lone Senate supporter of health care legislation.


I don't think this is an insignificant, toss-off quote from Steele appearing on ABC. This may mark a decided turn in RNC focus. That means a shift in resources. Money. The lifeblood of today's lavish campaigns. We'll see what Steele says in the coming days, but if it appears this is the selected strategic direction, then I think Republicans have a problem. Until then, great, they won two gubernatorial races. Means nothing. The real question is conservative vs. moderate. This might get pretty good.

This city's black from all the ashes in downtown

Matt Taibbi on the corrosive moneyed class in America: Goldman One-Ups Gordon Gekko, Says Jesus Embraced Greed
Goldman Sachs international adviser Brian Griffiths explains it this way: that Christ’s famous injunction to love others as one would love oneself actually means that one should love oneself as one would love oneself. This seemingly baffling outburst by a Goldman executive in what appears to have been a prepared speech — someone actually wrote this, and thought about it, before saying it out loud — gets even weirder when one tries to figure out what could possibly have motivated this person, and by extension his employer Goldman Sachs, to make such statements in such a place as St. Paul’s Cathedral.

Because there are only a couple of possibilities, and both of them are equally unnerving. One is that they know how preposterous this is and are just saying this shit because they think enough people will fall for it that it will end up being a net plus, optics-wise.

I seriously doubt this and think the converse is much more likely: that they actually believe this to be true, or are trying to believe it is true, and by making the case publicly hope to persuade the world to see the light (and just maybe reaffirm to themselves in the process) and embrace the Orwellian propositions that greed is love and taking is sharing.


Ashes in downtown, ashes in downtown....